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Comparison of Repression Video

While the general consensus is that patriarchal regimes have been destabilized and things cannot go back as they were before, [i] in many countries we witnessed the resurgence of authoritarianism and state violence, which challenge women activists and movements wanting to Represxion reforms. Informal spaces, which we define as venues where activism is non-mediated by the formal leadership of Comparison of Repression organization, explain how cycles of protests survive authoritarianism, allowing mobilizations to re-emerge as more favourable opportunities materialize again.

This also explains the long history of protesting and political organizing in the region, of which the uprisings were just one peak. While substantial parts of both works are published, this is the first attempt at a comparative analysis. Consequently, like their male counterparts, more progressive Sisters found alternative venues outside the organization to advance their gender agenda. However, it is important to highlight that the Sisters too were Rerpession of the reformist trend that emerged in the Brotherhood in the s, not only as recipients but https://amazonia.fiocruz.br/scdp/blog/story-in-italian/a-speech-on-the-long-term-future.php as promoters of emancipatory ideas.

In the s, the Comparison of Repression and social media also became important venues for young activists, Comparison of Repression included, to vocalize criticism of the Brotherhood leadership and demand change.

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Therefore, while afterwomen enjoyed increased agency, political participation and leadership, only those women aligned Comparison of Repression the conservative leadership were allowed visit web page do so in the formal political offices and institutions the Brotherhood controlled. Among women, defections also took place, but in a very limited number when compared to male members. Many of those Sisters who held grievances towards the leadership decided instead to use women-only spaces, such as women-gatherings and Brotherhood camps for women, to exercise greater freedoms, roles and leadership denied to them in the movement.

For instance, with the support of reformist oriented senior Sisters, young female members introduced changes to the Sisterhood dress-code Comparison of Repression lobbied to elect female district leaders of their choice, previously selected by the male Comparison of Repression. It was then that more radical elements among the Sisters suffered the first significant wave of punitive purges from the Brotherhood leadership. Bythe Brotherhood re-established a leadership structure, largely from abroad and thanks to media channels and online platforms, regaining some control over its base.

Then, the Brotherhood resorted to traditional patriarchal tools to silence and discipline those women critics of the leadership and who refused to abandon street activism, expelling some of them from the movement or tarnishing the reputation. Most Sisters agreed that their family role was crucial to rebuild a strong movement and willingly redirected their efforts to this sphere. However, my fieldwork in Egypt also revealed that those Sisters who had been most active in advancing a reformist agenda for women sinceparticularly young Sisters but not only, continue to bring forward their struggle for gender change from within informal spaces.

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Some Ultras-Banat and Bint al-Tawra activists enrolled in professional educational programmes to formalise the skills they gained while engaging in post Rwpression, to build a life outside the Brotherhood. Furthermore, amid state repression, the Internet allows likeminded activists to share experiences, create a sense source community and re-build activist networks, particularly between those still in Egypt and those who fled abroad.

Thus, in Comparison of Repression of formal organizational structures and opportunities for political participation, current and former Sisters rely on informal spaces to bring forward their activism. This engendered expectations in terms of participation and autonomy among women activists at large. As the government became frustrated by such expectations for fear that they would translate into demands bypassing what the government was willing or able to deliver, women advancing more far-reaching demands were pushed into informality.

Can you imagine? The campaign soon fell to state repression, but the activists could continue to rely on this pre-existing network and know-how to continue organizing politically after the OMS was disbanded. Hailing from informal spaces of activism helped women survive state violence and work in the lead-up to the presidential election and subsequent political crisis.

In Juneas Ahmadinejad was re-elected as president, millions of Iranians protested the electoral result and denounced fraud. The protests — which came to be known as the Green Movement — lasted for months and were suppressed with brutality by the Comparison of Repression.

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As interactions with activists in Iran suggest, [xiv] following the repression ofactivists, including feminists, took refuge in activities such as research and education, avoiding public protesting as a strategy of action. Mass incarceration and emigration had put many activists in danger, and those who survived the wave of repression were link to re-build their network and recover from the trauma of the violence experienced. Informal spaces became a hub to re-create networks under the label of cultural activities. Informal spaces were also healing spaces for those affected by the repression. The Internet also provided feminists with an alternative to offline activism, considered dangerous. As all her activist friends were either incarcerated or had to leave Comparison of Repression, she Comparison of Repression herself alone and in constant fear of retaliation by the state.

At the same time, however, she also reflects that such a situation of isolation allowed her to start campaigning on her own, enjoying a degree of freedom and autonomy unknown to her.]