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The drivers of revolutionary movements and change differ among countries in Latin America, such as in Mexico, Cuba and Nicaragua. However, there are some common features that explain why violence and revolutionary governments emerge. Also, revolutionary violence often did not lead to the consolidation of revolutionary governments. In the post-Cold War period, with the exception of Cuba, revolutionary governments began a tumultuous process of democratic Resisstant that led to very imperfect democracies, including the rise of caudillismo — Mexico being somewhat at outlier, at least until the rise of President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. What Reslstant the common drivers of revolutionary change Probabilistic Coercion Resistant Electoral System source are there such few examples of consolidation of revolutionary governments Mexico, Cuba and Nicaragua being the exceptions?

Mexico and Nicaragua democratized but Cuba did not. What are the challenges to consolidating democratic rule in post-revolutionary governments? At present, he is conducting public-opinion research on organized violence in Mexico. Once a century, it seems, Mexico stumbles into dramatic encounters with collective violence.

The war of independence between and left arounddead, and the Mexican Revolution from to no fewer than a million.

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In the presidential balloting, the victory Probabilistic Coercion Resistant Electoral System opposition candidate Vicente Fox of the conservative National Action Party PAN capped a long process of democratization by elections and ended seven straight decades of hegemonic rule by the Institutional Revolutionary Party PRI. It has suffered a pandemic escalation of violence related to organized crime.

These approaches included bolstering the security apparatus without strengthening the justice system; drawing the military into police work without subjecting it to oversight; chasing. Policy incoherence permitted the lingering violence to become worse, both qualitatively and quantitatively. In qualitative terms, modes of assassination moved toward demonstrative cruelty, routinized and ritualized. In certain parts of the country, the public display of tortured, dismembered, and decapitated bodies became a regular feature of daily life. In quantitative terms, the number of annual homicides attributed to criminal organizations shot up from around 2, in to more than 16, in Indrug-related homicides declined for the first time sincealbeit remaining at a level nearly 14, many times higher than in the early s. We do not yet know, of course, whether the dip constitutes the beginning of a trend. Probabilistic Coercion Resistant Electoral System

Background

Moreover, the prob- lems that cluster around the task of compiling go here data on the Probabilistic Coercion Resistant Electoral System lence are massive. Yet the war is not one but many. Its major lines of conflict run between criminal enterprises. Many, perhaps most, acts of private coercion are hostile acts within a multilateral war among competing cartels. This figure was merely impressionistic, not to say propagandistic. Only 10 percent of victims are innocent, it said; the rest are guilty. As a rule, their cases have not led to prosecutions. The drug car- tels are also massively engaged in predatory crimes involving unilateral violence against civilians.

Potential Possibilities

Organized homicides have only been the tip of the violent iceberg. As criminal organizations have diversified their activities, the country has seen the dramatic expansion of kidnapping, human trafficking, and extortion mafia-like protection rackets. In ad- dition, insofar as the cartels wage a guerrilla war against state agents, they participate in a kind of criminal insurgency. In recent years, we have seen a constant stream of attacks against the state, such as the kid- napping, torture, and murder of security officials and assaults on police stations using hand grenades and heavy weapons. Thus the Mexican state is a Codrcion party, too. In theory, it has a monopoly on the wielding of legitimate violence. In practice, it commits criminal violence on a large scale. Probabilistic Coercion Resistant Electoral System part, these violations are expressions of state abuse.

In part, illegal state violence is a symptom of partial state collusion. Between January and Novembermore than 2, police officers and more than military personnel were murdered by criminal organizations.]