Defense Strategy Essay 1 - agree
Asteroid impact avoidance comprises a number of methods by which near-Earth objects NEO could be diverted, preventing destructive impact events. A sufficiently large impact by an asteroid or other NEOs would cause, depending on its impact location, massive tsunamis or multiple firestorms , and an impact winter caused by the sunlight-blocking effect of placing large quantities of pulverized rock dust, and other debris, into the stratosphere. A collision 66 million years ago between the Earth and an object approximately 10 kilometres 6 miles wide is thought to have produced the Chicxulub crater and the Cretaceous—Paleogene extinction event , widely held responsible for the extinction of most dinosaurs. While the chances of a major collision are low in the near term, there is a certainty that one will happen eventually unless defensive measures are taken. Astronomical events—such as the Shoemaker-Levy 9 impacts on Jupiter and the Chelyabinsk meteor , along with the growing number of objects on the Sentry Risk Table —have drawn renewed attention to such threats. According to expert testimony in the United States Congress in , NASA would require at least five years of preparation before a mission to intercept an asteroid could be launched. Most deflection efforts for a large object require from a year to decades of warning, allowing time to prepare and carry out a collision avoidance project, as no known planetary defense hardware has yet been developed. Defense Strategy Essay 1.
Elsa B. Kania and Lorand Laskai. The U. To confront the threat appropriately, the Biden administration will need a more sophisticated understanding of this strategy—and that will require separating facts from fictions. Make no mistake: the concerns are legitimate.
This history shows that despite the efforts of a strong state that seeks to exercise central control, MCF is hardly a fait accompli.
MCF isn't new. It's not all-encompassing. It's not even uniquely Chinese.
Achieving more extensive coordination and integration between the defense industrial base and private and commercial enterprises will Defense Strategy Essay 1 time and require trial and error. While its scope and sweeping ambition are certainly noteworthy, MCF remains in its early stages, such that the prospects for ultimate success remain uncertain. Second, MCF is not uniquely Chinese, nor a distinctive competitive advantage for China at this stage. In fact, American approaches to using commercial technologies have been closely studied in China as models for its own MCF efforts. Third, MCF is not explicitly required by law for Chinese companies.
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Several American politicians and policymakers, including former Secretary of State Pompeo, have claimed that Beijing has imposed a legal obligation on Chinese companies to participate in MCF. Legislation to promote MCF is in the works, but progress has been slow so far. Instead, MCF appears to turn more on incentives than coercion. Fourth, MCF does not actively involve nearly every Chinese enterprise at this stage. There are feasible avenues by which to continue research collaborations between American and Chinese counterparts that are mutually beneficial and necessary, such as in combating COVID There is a Defense Strategy Essay 1 to be made that the benefits outweigh the risks, given how much the United States has gained and continues to benefit from a highly integrated, globalized innovation ecosystem.
Ultimately, American policymakers must also recognize that MCF is a competitive challenge, but not a major concern as a policy issue per se. Of course, MCF is intended to blur boundaries and increase the connectivity of defense and commercial developments and applications in China. These issues merit continued analytic attention as this agenda continues to Stratefy and progress in the years to come, highlighting the importance of robust investments in leveraging open-source intelligence, such as through analytic exchanges that include information-sharing, including with allies and partners.
A more targeted, effective response to MCF is feasible. American countermeasures should aim to curb behaviors that are illicit, illegal, or problematic — e.
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Useful measures could include better research security and integrityimproved cybersecurity at companies in critical industries, and reasonable prosecutions to hold bad actors accountable. Beyond that, the Biden administration Esszy to consider the incentives of Chinese companies. Their motives are, in some respects, not too dissimilar from those of their American counterparts in terms of seeking profit in a competitive ecosystem.]
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