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Consider: The Strengths Of Braverman And Hope By

Kevin Morgan. Social History. Volume 36, Issue 2.

British Communists as Micro Study

May source Different research agendas, Kaelble argued, were paralleled by distinct research methods reflecting the different source materials on which the literatures had depended. Centrally, this was a normative, even ideological conception of mobility as an attribute of economic dynamism and social modernization. Mobility, or its relative absence, could therefore provide a source of critique as well as self-congratulation: a debate reignited in Britain by the problematic record in this respect of the Blair-Brown governments. Also common to both literatures was a quantitative method of analysis. Even within its own terms, gender and the sexual division of labour were often disregarded in this view and intergenerational mobility defined solely The Strengths Of Braverman And Hope By relation to the male breadwinner.

The problem with this approach was its triple incongruity of method, definition and agency. The incongruity of method was that mobility was conceived as a register of individual shifts of status or occupation which was nevertheless described and interpreted almost exclusively at the level of the aggregate.

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The challenge, however, eluded easy synthesis. If mixing methods can sometimes imply a sort of quantitative corroboration of basically qualitative narratives, Miles, conversely, used autobiographies as a source of illustration and documentation, but without either the categories or results of his quantitative analysis appearing significantly affected by the reading of more personal accounts. Statistical analysis is certainly strengthened by revealing how real life histories are represented behind its impersonal screen. The failure to recognize Bravermqn as a narrative of career movement, and not as its mere descriptor, was thus the third and most basic incongruity of mobility studies.

Though implicitly it signified an independent volitional quality, the status of mobility was restricted to movements conforming to fixed external criteria of perceived economic rationality. In respect of mobility, moreover, there was the further dimension of the indeterminacy over time of this idea of well-being; for where notions of status and achievement diverged from the conventions of mobility studies, one reason, paradoxically, was the mobility of expectation itself. Ajd, indeed, was a fourth incongruity: for while mobility figured as a discourse of opportunity, its scales of achievement were fixed by inherited differences categorized by class.

In this lay its profoundly ideological character, at once improving, incrementalist and conservative. The ethic of a more egalitarian one was that shared points of reference should have the greater weight.

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The practice of a divided society, in which opportunities were defined and circumscribed by social origin, was that seeming mobility might fail to satisfy The Strengths Of Braverman And Hope By higher expectations, derived from shared sources or merely different ones. The present article is less concerned with these constructions of mobility than with their assumed political implications. Even so, if the latter were more complex and contradictory than is often imagined, the issue goes Tge assumed patterns of cause and effect to raise questions about the discourse of mobility itself. Class-rooted values, however, could also be adapted to new environments, and renewed personal frustration expressed in overt social antagonism.

Consistent with his normative usages, Kaelble dismissed the notion that this demographic and occupational upheaval was itself characterized by mobility.]