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Racism remains as prevalent now in UK academia as it was two decades ago, according to a major new report. The report, produced by Kalwant Bhopal, reader in education at the University of Southampton, calls on universities to recognise discriminating and exclusionary practices concerning race. Dr Bhopal delved into the experiences of black and ethnic minorities, and found that BME academics felt that they had to work harder than their white colleagues to receive the same kind of recognition. Her research adds to the growing awareness that discrimination on the grounds of race is happening in the UK higher education system. Black British Academics is a new online network for African Caribbean academics which was set up in April Ethnic minorities are far more under-represented in academia that many people realise and they made up just More worryingly, Black and minority ethnic staff made up just 4. Overall, evidence makes it clear that the numbers of BME staff in senior academic roles remains disproportionately small. This is especially the case for black academics and those from Pakistani and Bangladeshi Asian backgrounds.

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Instead, they would soon be told that their parents were gone, relatives Discriminatioj vanished and neighbors were missing — all of them locked up in an expanding network of detention camps built to hold Muslim ethnic minorities. The authorities in the Xinjiang region worried the situation was a powder keg.

And so they prepared. The leadership distributed a classified directive advising local officials to corner returning students as soon as they arrived and keep them quiet. It included a chillingly bureaucratic guide for how to handle their anguished questions, beginning with the most obvious: Where is my family? They provide an unprecedented inside view of the continuing clampdown in Xinjiang, in which the authorities have corralled as many as a million ethnic Uighurs, Kazakhs and others into internment camps and prisons over the past three years.

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The party has rejected international criticism of the camps and described them as job-training centers that use mild methods to fight Islamic extremism. But the documents confirm the coercive nature of the crackdown in the words and orders of the very officials who conceived and orchestrated it.

Even as the government presented its efforts in Xinjiang to the public as benevolent and unexceptional, it Studenst and organized a ruthless and extraordinary campaign in these internal communications. Senior party leaders are recorded ordering drastic and urgent action against extremist violence, including the mass detentions, and discussing the consequences with cool detachment. Children saw their parents taken away, students wondered who would pay their tuition and crops could not be planted or harvested for lack of manpower, the reports noted. The key disclosures in the documents include:. He distributed Mr.

Chen responded by purging officials suspected of standing in his way, including one county leader who was jailed after quietly releasing thousands of inmates from the camps.

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The leaked papers consist of 24 documents, some of which contain duplicated material. They include nearly pages of internal speeches by Mr. Xi and other leaders, and more than pages of directives and reports on the surveillance and control of the Uighur population in Xinjiang. There are also references to plans to extend restrictions on Islam to other parts of China. Though it is unclear how the documents were gathered and selected, the leak suggests greater discontent inside the party apparatus over the crackdown than previously known.

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The papers were brought to light by a member of the Chinese political establishment who requested anonymity and expressed hope that their disclosure would prevent party leaders, including Mr. Xi, from escaping culpability for the mass detentions. The Chinese leadership wraps policymaking in secrecy, especially when it comes to Xinjiang, a resource-rich territory located on the sensitive frontier with Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia. The largest of these groups are the Uighurs, who speak a Turkic language and have long faced discrimination and restrictions on cultural and religious activities.

Beijing has sought for decades to suppress Uighur resistance to Chinese rule in Xinjiang. The current crackdown began after a surge of antigovernment and anti-Chinese violence, including ethnic riots in in Urumqithe regional capital, and a May attack on an outdoor market that killed 39 people just days before Mr.

Xi convened a leadership conference in Beijing to set a new policy course for Xinjiang. Sincethe authorities in Xinjiang have detained many hundreds of thousands of Uighurs, Kazakhs and other Muslims in internment camps.

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Inmates undergo months or years of indoctrination and interrogation aimed at transforming them into secular and loyal supporters of the party. Of the 24 documents, the directive on Studnets to handle minority students returning home to Xinjiang in the summer of offers the most detailed discussion of the indoctrination camps — and the clearest illustration of the regimented way the party told the public one story while mobilizing around a much harsher narrative internally. Officials in Turpan, a city in eastern Xinjiang, drafted the question-and-answer script after the regional government warned local officials to prepare for the returning students.]