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Small-scale acts of civil disobedience sparked sustained civil rights campaigns in hundreds of black communities, mostly in the southern states. These non-violent movements gave way in the mids to violent racial rebellions in dozens of cities throughout the nation. The mass struggles of the early s enhanced the impact of African Americans on national politics, prompting the passage of major civil rights and anti-poverty legislation. As these struggles became increasingly militant, they also provoked a white backlash against pro-black policies and a concerted Activiets of repression by local police source and federal agencies. In the years sincemass mobilizations in African-American communities have declined in frequency, intensity, and effectiveness.

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This article explores the causes and consequences of the rise and decline of these mass mobilizations. Modern African-American history focuses more on nationally-prominent black https://amazonia.fiocruz.br/scdp/blog/gregorys-punctuation-checker-tool/the-role-of-gold-of-global-commerce.php than on black social movements, but for the most part, the black mass protests and insurgencies of the s Civip s were grassroots movements that emerged with little guidance from national African-American organizations or their leaders.

National civil rights leaders offered inspiration, resources, and ideological guidance to grassroots movements, but locally-based mass movements were largely beyond their control. In contrast mass protests and demonstrations at the local level gave political leverage and Anc to national leaders who spoke on behalf of African Americans. Black power proponents of the mids saw themselves as more in tune with grassroots militancy than civil rights leaders, but their political influence was also derived from mass movements which they could not control.

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Civil rights protest movements of the s and early s and the urban rebellions of mids rarely responded to direction from above. Instead, African-American mass movements of that period forced established leaders to respond to surges from below. Such leaders also faced new competition from emergent grassroots leaders more in touch with the sentiments of Ad participants.

The SCLC, led by King, did not exert much control over the next major mass mobilization - the student-led lunch counter sit-ins of However, student protesters insisted on forming independent local groups under their own leadership. Even the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee SNCCfounded in April by student protest leaders, saw itself as helping rather than directing local movements.

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SNCC distinguished itself from other civil rights organizations through its consistent support for grassroots leadership and the principle of local autonomy. Student militants, many of them veterans of the sit-ins, then took over the freedom rides.

Dozens of the most committed freedom riders served terms in Mississippi prisons, and some later became full-time organizers in Mississippi and other strongholds of white supremacy. Accepting the aid but rarely the advice of the established civil rights organizations, many freedom riders were nevertheless attracted to SNCC's decentralized structure.

From tobeginning with the Albany protests of Decembergrassroots activists and full-time civil rights organizers were able to mobilize major marches, rallies, and direct action protests in many southern communities and a few northern cities. Local leaders - often affiliated with but acting independently of the NAACP, SCLC, or CORE - initiated and led most of these mass mobilizations, which attracted substantial working-class participation and which sought economic goals as well as desegregation.

In Birmingham, as in other local movements of the period, national civil rights groups were able to mobilize black communities only with the support of grassroots activists. Americana, as the Birmingham campaign garnered national attention and sparked massive demonstrations elsewhere, the southern struggle acquired a momentum over which national black leaders had little control.]